COVID19 update, March 21, 2020: Dr. Matt Shelton on vitamin D; Harvard historian Niall Ferguson on how the pandemic exposed the “dysfunctional administrative state”; 2005 CDC paper touting chloroquine for SARS

(1) Dr. Matt Shelton, interviewed by Dr. John Campbell, tells us much more about vitamin D. Amusing statement: “Stay in the sun until you’re halfway to sunburned for your skin type, and you’ve had enough.”

(2) Niall Ferguson, about 10 minutes into this video from the Hoover Institute:

“The pandemic has revealed a terrible pathology at the heart of American political life, and it’s not the one you think. While the media endlessly pore over every utterance of President Trump, the real pathology that the pandemic has exposed is that we have a completely dysfunctional administrative state that is extremely good at generating PowerPoints and multiple-page reports, but when it comes to actually dealing with an emergency, is completely useless.”

Here’s another good one:

(3) My Facebook friend Jeff D. reminds me of a 2005 paper published by a group from CDC in the Virology Journal entitled: “Chloroquine is a potent inhibitor of SARS coronavirus infection and spread”.

And yes, that’s the old SARS-CoV-1, not the current SARS-nCoV-2 — but some of the people now doing all they can to “prove” HOcq doesn’t work would be quite embarrassed at this article.

(4) Meanwhile, Standard & Poor maintains Israel’s AA- sovereign credit rating, and predicts a “V-shaped recovery“.

Finally, another good one from Unherd: Prof. Karol Sikora, former head of The Who cancer program and Dean of the U. of Buckingham medical school, sounds a largely optimistic note.


A scandalous saga of withheld footage

Thus entitles David Horowitz (the JPost editor, not his namesake) his observations about the incomprehensible decision of Israeli spokesmen to withhold footage shot from a neighboring “peace vessel”, which clearly (if quite unintentionally) Israel’s claim that the naval commandos had no choice but to fire in defense of their lives.

Approximately 12 hours after the event, however, when all the condemnations had been issued, the demonstrators had weighed in worldwide, the Arab League, Security Council, Human Rights Council and all were convening or preparing to devote their attentions to this latest Israeli outrage, official Israel finally decided to release the grainy but distinct footage it had been sitting on all day showing precisely what had unfolded in the pre-dawn battle at sea.

Much earlier in the day, it had made available indistinct footage, shot from overhead, of commandos rappelling down to the vessel, and ostensibly being set upon by a raging mob of activists. But this footage was too blurry to be conclusive. The IDF Spokesman’s Office had added captions, but, said a second foreign journalist with whom I spoke on Tuesday, “You couldn’t make anything out definitively. It just looks like ants running around in all directions down there.”

The belatedly liberated footage, however, was evidently shot from a neighboring vessel, the camera held slightly below the level of the Mavi Marmara’s top deck where the confrontation took place. This footage is also far from perfect, but it is conclusive. The clarity with which it shows the commandos coming down onto the deck and being pounced upon and thrashed is sufficient to render the footage nauseating. The clubs and the irons bars rise and fall with sickening force and frequency.

While many of those aboard the flotilla may have sincerely believed they were on a mission to alleviate suffering in Gaza, those people who mobbed the commandos clearly had a very different agenda. Nobody watching that footage could ever again in good conscience brand them “peace activists” or “human rights activists.”

And everybody watching it could finally appreciate the veracity of [IDF spokesman, Col., Avi] Benayahu’s hitherto-unsupported interviews from hours before, claiming that the commandos had faced a veritable lynching.

For many Israelis who had believed the IDF account all along, the belated supporting evidence may have only deepened the frustrations felt all day at the rest of the world’s readiness to doubt Israel’s account of events and believe the false narratives of its enemies.

But for some of the foreign press, who had been less willing to accept Benayahu’s improbable account of commandos overpowered by civilians, the footage was a revelation.

“I saw it, and I realized I had done Israel an injustice,” one of my foreign colleagues said on Monday, with admirable candor. “At that point, and only at that point, I understood what the Israelis had been saying.”

Let there be no doubt about this. The failure to release in good time the video evidence that showed exactly why Israeli commandos resorted to live fire aboard the Mavi Marmara, the video evidence that would emphatically have affected the way the incident was perceived around the world, was not accidental. Neither was it the consequence of some kind of bureaucratic snafu. Nor was it held back for technical reasons.

It was the result of a decision. The officials, in their various competing, conflicting, inadequate propaganda hierarchies, actively chose, after consultation, not to release it. (The Jerusalem Post’s military correspondent Yaakov Katz provides some of the specifics elsewhere on these pages.)

Some of their considerations are not beneath contempt. There was a legitimate concern, for instance, that the footage, showing colleagues in such trouble, might prove demoralizing for Israeli troops. And some of their considerations are utterly contemptible, including the scandalous parochial obsession with local TV – the insistent, misguided desire to hold back dramatic material until late in the Israeli day, so that as many people as possible here will see it fresh on the 8 p.m. Hebrew nightly news.

These, and all other considerations, in a competent official media hierarchy that recognized the urgent imperative to disseminate the footage, would have been immediately set aside. Even allowing generous time for processing and editing the material, the footage could have been flashing across TV screens worldwide by our breakfast time, before news of the entire incident was even beginning to permeate. Would it have completely transformed the way the incident was reported and understood? No. Would it have greatly helped Israel’s case? Unquestionably.

This is not the first time Israel’s abysmal official public diplomacy hierarchies have made this kind of criminal misjudgment, to the terrible detriment of the national interest.

In July 2006, early in the Second Lebanon War, they did almost exactly the same thing. A pre-dawn Israeli air strike on a building in Kafr Kana, in which sheltering Lebanese civilians were killed, was globally reported as having been utterly lacking in military justification and accepted by the international community as evidence of criminal, indiscriminate Israeli aggression.

Only at the end of that black day did the Israeli security establishment convene a press conference – in Hebrew, just in time for the nightly news here – at which footage was released showing Katyushas being fired from the immediately adjacent area.

Monday’s failure was more abject, however. Rather than hopefully enabling a well-intentioned viewer to begin to understand why Israel had acted, as was the case in 2006, the promptly released Mavi Marmara film would have left no doubt about the authenticity of the Israeli narrative.

One of my foreign colleagues said his TV station would repeatedly have run the key few seconds, showing the rods and clubs pounding the outnumbered, ill-equipped commandos. Indeed, on Tuesday, numerous world TV stations were doing precisely that, and some of them were commissioning stories asking why official Israel had shown such spectacular public diplomacy ineptitude in withholding the clip. This behavior puts paid to that other false and defeatist Israeli claim about the foreign media, which has also been reprised in the last two days: “They wouldn’t have broadcast the footage anyway.”

The delayed release of the critical footage was far from Israel’s only public diplomacy failure on Monday. Numerous foreign journalists will tell you that they made phone call after phone call seeking official Israeli responses to the unfolding events, in vain.

Unfortunately, Israel’s official hasbara efforts at times bring to mind Conquest’s Third Law: “The behavior of any large organization is best understood by assuming it to be controlled by a cabal of its enemies”. If it weren’t for an “Army of Davids” of unofficial defenders in the new media…

The whole incident shows two structural problems with Israel’s hasbara apparatus: an obsession with domestic public opinion (as evidenced by Benayahu’s giving a clear, articulate statement in Hebrew for domestic consumption rather than in English for foreign consumption) and a mistaken assumption that foreign media will be “against us no matter what”. As the great Talmudic sage, Reuven Avraham ha-Tarnegolon (known to the rest of the world as Robert A. Heinlein :-)) once put it in Yalkut Elazar ha-Gadol: “Certainly the game is rigged. Don’t let that stop you; if you don’t bet, you can’t win.”

UPDATE: “Render” at C2 provides some very useful links on the IHH group, which is anything but an innocent band of “peace” activists:


What is IHH? pt.1

What is IHH? pt.2